Były żołnierz AK zrehabilitowany przez sąd. 20 tys. zł zadośćuczynienia za oszczerstwa

7 czerwca 2018 roku w Sądzie Okręgowym w Łodzi zakończyła się sprawa wytoczona w obronie Włodzimierza Pajdowskiego, ponad 90-letniego byłego żołnierza Armii Krajowej. Włodzimierz Pajdowski, po wojnie aresztowany przez UB, został w jednym z artykułów przedstawiony fałszywie jako bandyta dokonujący w czasie II wojny światowej i po wojnie napadów rabunkowych, by zostać ostatecznie współpracownikiem SB. W świetle akt IPN okazało się, że wymienione wyżej oskarżenia były nieprawdziwe. Reduta Dobrego Imienia wzięła w obronę Włodzimierza Pajdowskiego i wsparła proces. Powód domagał się przeprosin i 20.000 zł tytułem zadośćuczynienia.

Po przesłuchaniu Powoda, Sąd Okręgowy w Łodzi zasądził przeprosiny i zadośćuczynienie we wnioskowanej kwocie. Sąd podkreślił, że wyrok wynika z niewątpliwego naruszenia dóbr osobistych Pajdowskiego. Sprawę prowadziła Mec. Monika Brzozowska-Pasieka.

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19 odpowiedzi na „Były żołnierz AK zrehabilitowany przez sąd. 20 tys. zł zadośćuczynienia za oszczerstwa

  1. Zofia mówi:

    Brawo, bravissimo! Pozdrówcie od 83-latki Pana Pajdowskiego 🙂

  2. Magdalena Kotowska mówi:

    Serdecznie gratuluję!

  3. Maria mówi:

    Ale my chcemy wiedziec ktos jest tym nikczemnikiem, ktory dopuscil sie tych oszczerstwem wzgledem Bohatera Narodowego Zolnierza Armii Krajowej Wlodzimierza Pajdowskiego.

  4. Stanisław Kucharski mówi:

    Gratuluję. Podobne oszczerstwa – pojawiające się, niestety, w przestrzeni publicznej, kierowane pod adresem ludzi zasłużonych w walce o Polskę – powinny być stosownie napiętnowane, a sprawcy karani. Życzę RDI kolejnych sukcesów w prowadzonych działaniach, a Panu Pajdowskiemu pomyślności i zdrowia.

  5. SKAŁAT mówi:

    WIELKIE BRAWA REDUTO, WSPIERAM WASI UCZESTNICZE W WASZYCH AKCJACH

  6. kwlod mówi:

    Gratuluję i serdecznie pozdrawiam tego dzielnego Żołnierza !!!
    Oby skończyły się wreszcie te ohydne oszczerstwa i insynuacje.

  7. Rozsądny mówi:

    Czemu nie podajecie DANYCH- Kto go oskarżał…?
    Takie osoby lub organizacje/wydawnictwa/grupy/gminy(?) MAJĄ PIENIĄDZE właśnie po to by móc szkalować Polaków! Nie każdy 100 latek ma siły się bronić! Oszczercy MUSZĄ mieć świadomość że FAŁSZYWE POMÓWIENIA nie pozostaną bezkarne i ANONIMOWE!!!

  8. r-r mówi:

    A jaki to dziennikarz i gazetka, warto by podać

  9. Juju44 mówi:

    Dlaczego nie podajecie z imienia i nazwiska tego / tych nikczemnych ludzi? Mamy prawo, tak mysle, wiedziec kto ?
    Postepowanie Wasze, okreslilbym, jako “politycznie poprawne” czyli zaklamywanie rzeczywistisci!
    Za obrone Bohatera serdeczne dzieki.

  10. dr Hakenbusch mówi:

    Chciałbym wiedzieć gdzie i kto zamieścił taki komentarz,
    ponieważ taki “organ” i jego “członek” powinni być
    piętnowani do skutku. Dodam także, że kara zadośćuczynienia
    powinna wynieść 200 tys a nie 20. Ból byłby znacznie większy
    a nauka rozumu – szybsza.

    • Joanna Morska mówi:

      Przyłączam się do zdania z powyższego komentarza.
      Cieszę się, że w tym morzu zła, obłudy, seksualizacji dzieci, promowania dewiacji jako normalności, mordowania chrześcijan, szkalowania własnego kraju…. od czasu do czasu prawość zwycięża.

    • Rafał Potwornicki mówi:

      Też tak uważam.
      Brawa dla Reduty.

  11. Bozenna. mówi:

    Trzeba wiedziec kto faszywie oskarzal, bo to jest przestepstwo .
    Nie bylo ani sil , ani mozliwosci dochodzenia prawdy przez tak strasznie dlugi okres .Jaki to bol dla tych ludzi .

    Ten bol jeszcze moze trwac w sercach polakow patriotow , bo do tej pory sa ludzie ktorzy nie sa w stanie zrozumiec i nie akceptuja
    zolnierzy wykletych . Tyle zlego zrobila sowiecka propaganda ,.
    Mysle ze moze od teraz cos sie wreszcie zmieni , ale to tez zalezy od nas , od naszego wyboru.

  12. Pod wrażeniem mówi:

    Żadna kwota zadośćuczynienia nie jest w stanie zrekompensować cierpienia z tytułu naruszenia dobrego imienia. Kwotę 20 tys. należy traktować symbolicznie, faktycznie powinna być znacznie wyższa aby oszczerca choć trochę odczuł wydatek, Podziękowania dla Pani Mecenas.

  13. Bel-ina mówi:

    Kiedy ten szkalujący artykuł powstał ? Bo jeśli to była “twórczość” UB (Urząd Bezpieczeństwa !?) to pewnie nie poznamy konkretnego diabelskiego sprzedawczyka

  14. Bolek Chrobry mówi:

    PREFACE.
    On September 17th, 1939 the Polish Ambassador to the U.S.S.R., Mr. Grzybowski, was summoned to the Soviet Foreign Office. On arriving at the Kremlin, he was received by Mr. Potemkin who read him a Note to the effect that the Soviets regarded the Polish Govern­ment as disintegrated, and the Polish State as having ceased to exist. All agreements concluded between Poland and the U.S.S.R. were in consequence declared to have ceased to operate. Poland bereft of leadership had become a suitable field for all manner of hazard and surprises constituting a threat to the U.S.S.R. Further­more, the Soviet Government could not view with indiffer­ence the fate of the kindred Ukrainian and White Russian people living on Polish territory, and, in existing circum­stances, left defenseless. Accordingly, the Soviet Gov­ernment had ordered its troops to cross the Polish border and take under their protection the life and property of the population of Western Ukraine and Western White Russia. At the same time, the Soviet Government pro­posed to extricate the Polish people from the unfortunate war into which they were dragged by their unwise leaders, and enable them to live a peaceful life.(The Polish White Book pp. 189-190.)
    There existed between Poland and the Soviet Republic a pact of non-aggression dated July 25, 1932, which on May 5, 1934 was extended until December 31, 1945.
    Notwithstanding the strong misgivings aroused in all quarters by the new pact concluded on August 23, 1939, between the Soviets and Germany, in the first days of the war between Poland and Germany a general impression prevailed of a certain good will on the part of the Soviets towards Poland. On August 27th the IZVESTIA pub­lished an interview with Marshal Voroshilov who stated that the new understanding with Germany would not prevent Russia from supplying raw materials and even war materials to Poland.
    Along the entire Russian border it had been noticed that the tone of Russian broadcasts was not at all un­friendly towards Poland, and on certain frontier stations-much to the amazement of those who were informed- special arrangements were being made in great haste in order to facilitate the transport of goods into Poland. At Molodeczno it was rumored, a large convoy of lorries had been rushed over the frontier by night early in September. The Polish Government certainly had diffi­culties in keeping in touch with its local representatives. Since September ~ it was constantly moving owing to German bombing. But complete tranquillity reigned in the eastern provinces of Poland. Mobilization had taken place under normal conditions and perfectly smoothly; all public authorities were functioning without interruption.

    In the light of events it is unnecessary to stress the evident bad faith of the Soviets. The perfidy of Moscow’s diplomatic language was vividly reminiscent of many similar documents of the XVIIth Century, when Russia, with Berlin as chief accomplice, undermined the old monarchic Commonwealth of Poland.
    In any event, the entrance of the Russian troops was such a surprise, not only to the population but also to the civil and military authorities, that in many places it was thought that the Bolsheviks had entered Poland as allies against Nazi Germany. These doubts were, of course, very soon dispelled. In many places communist “fifth columns” made their appearance with accompany­ing incidents of violence and plunder. The more determined Polish commanders swerved Eastwards, and a new phase of warfare began between the Carpathian Mountains and the Dzvina River, which lasted another three weeks.

    I-Territory and Population.

    The northern provinces involved in the invasion knew the Russians well. The provinces of Volhynia, Polesie, Novogrodek, Wilno and Bialystok had been incorporated into Russia after the partitions of Poland in the end of the XVIII Century and remained so until the First ‘World War But Lwow, Stanislawow and Tarnopol had seen the Russians but once, in 1914, and had never been under Russian rule: they had been annexed by Austria after the first partition of Poland in 1772.

    The territory invaded and incorporated into Russia after the farcical referendum of October 29, 1939 was the poorer and more backward part of Poland. Its mineral resources are smaller than those of Silesia; in Polesie the vast Prypec marshes exclude the possibility of cultivation of large tracts of land. The soil there is rather poor too. The SouthEastern provinces wedged between the Carpathian Mountains and the Russian border were always the most neglected of the provinces of the Austrian Empire. After the reestablishment of Poland in 1918 conditions in the eastern provinces had greatly improved. Artificial frontiers had disappeared and a natural exchange of goods between neighboring territories had developed. Roads were built, railway lines improved. Education was promoted. About eleven thousand public schools were opened. The Wilno Uni­versity was reinstated. Owing to the new outlet on the Baltic there was a remarkable development of the timber industry. Marshlands were drained, pastures recondi­tioned and fisheries established. In the northern section the production of flax and the manufacture of linen re­ceived a potent stimulus. The oil fields of Boryslaw in the South were developed; oil refineries built and mineral gasses rationally exploited. The textile industry of Bialystok underwent a considerable revival. Agriculture started to progress. The development of dairy produce was remarkable. A wide system of cooperative organizations was established and the standard of living of the population was rising slowly but steadily. In short, the Eastern provinces of Poland, when the war broke out on September I, 1939, represented a vast agricultural area dotted here and there with industrial centers, not devoid of decided elementary prosperity, though ham­pered to some extent, as the rest of Poland by lack of investment capital.
    The present condition of these provinces cannot be understood and equitably judged without reference to their political history. This must be kept in mind when considering the ethnographic aspect and the psychology of the population.
    Of the territory at present occupied by the Soviets every square mile had belonged to the Polish Common­wealth ever since the XIV Century. The Southern part was conquered from the Hungarians by King Casimir the Great (1340-1352). The Northern was included in the union of Poland and Lithuania in 1386.
    The two countries after a period of purely personal union became a homogeneous state in 1569. For cen­turies the whole political and cultural life of these coun­tries has therefore been essentially Polish, it is an anachronism to speak of nationalist movements when re­ferring to bygone centuries, as Poland was ever a coun­try of outstanding tolerance. Whereas the religious conflicts of the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries led to bloody wars in the whole of Western Europe, in Poland they remained entirely within the spiritual sphere. It is largely to be attributed to this tolerance that in the south­eastern provinces of Poland adherents of the Greek-Orthodox Church remained very numerous,
    The Polish territory at present under Soviet occupa­tion represents some 74,700 square miles, with about twelve million inhabitants, thus almost exactly one half of the area of pre-war Poland and roughly one third of her population.
    According to the census of 1931, 5 million of the in­habitants were Poles, 5 million Ruthenians and Ukrain­ians, over 1 million White Russians, over 1 million Jews, about 40,000 Russians, 90,000 Germans, about 40,000 Czechs and about 40,000 Lithuanians.
    The entire Ruthenian and Ukrainian population is grouped in the four provinces of the SouthEast, whereas the largest part of White Russians is to be found in the provinces of Polesie and Nowogrodek and in the Eastern part of the province of Bialystok. The northern terri­tories adjoining the district of Wilno (handed over to the Lithuanians), though eccentrically situated contain a very high percentage of Poles, reaching 90% in some parishes. The whole Polish population is Roman Catholic. The White Russians are mostly followers of the Greek Orthodox Church. The Ruthenians in Vol­hynia are also on the whole Greek Orthodox, while in the former Austrian territories the Ruthenians belong almost exclusively to the Greek Catholic (or so-called Uniate) Church. It is therefore an outstanding feature of the situation that not less than eight million Catholics of both rites are to be found today under Soviet domination.
    The Jews are fairly uniformly scattered over the whole Soviet-occupied territory, but chiefly in cities and small towns.

    II-The First Months of Occupation.
    The first contacts between the population of Poland and the Red invaders aroused mutual astonishment. The Bolshevik troops entering this part of Poland (admittedly much poorer than the Western provinces seized by the Germans) were amazed at the wealth and abundance of the country. On the other hand even the poorest peasants were startled by the appearance of extreme misery of the invading troops. They possessed many tanks, long columns of lorries, numerous anti-tank and anti-aircraft guns, the troops themselves were generally well disciplined-but the soldiers were in rags, they looked underfed and were rather low-spirited. The shops in the invaded area-three weeks after the mobilization and diverse passages of troops and refugees- were certainly not well supplied, but watches, sweets and various trifling objects as fly-paper, etc., seemed to delight the invaders particularly. Yet though limited if com­pared with normal times, the supplies were sufficient, in the first two months at least. Scarcity appeared and grew steadily worse with the nationalization of large stores, reglementation of the stock in smaller shops, Soviet requisitions of food without any imports from Russia and the increasing demands on the part of Germany. The situation was quickly becoming acute, and when winter came Lwow was facing famine. The prices were soaring. A kilogram of sugar cost 75 rubles, a liter of milk ~ to 6 rubles. Bootlegging trade de­veloped. After several months of such conditions the soviet authorities were compelled to give up their methods and tolerate private trade to some extent at least. This concession on the part of the Bolsheviks brought quick though partial relief.
    The first period of the Soviet occupation was one of preponderant military influences in the administration. There was a relative tolerance in administrative and political matters. Even a few cultural organizations were permitted-to exist. State and municipal offices followed Polish administrative methods. They were, of course, headed by local communists or by men sent from the Kiev area. A workers militia replaced the former police. Schools were temporarily permitted to work. All languages: Polish, Ukrainian, Jewish and Russian enjoyed equal rights. Later in the fall things began to change. Elections were ordered-a farcical referendum, open and compulsory, in which people of the so-called Western Ukraine were ordered to express their desire to be incorporated into Soviet Russia. From that time on Soviet pressure and Soviet methods in all walks of public and private life became gradually more severe. People who, in the beginning, had nourished the hope that the Russian invasion will be limited to a military occupation, leaving country and people more or less in the situation which had previously existed, were soon disappointed. Officers’ families, civil administrators, commissars of various ranks, made their appearance, and above all the OGPU, the dreaded political police, under­took its familiar tasks. Trouble started when accom­modation for the newcomers had to be found. For the use of the Soviet bureaucracy lodgings were seized, already overcrowded. The Bolsheviks applied their doctrine that every room should accommodate at least two persons. The inhabitants were also subject to strict regulations concerning their clothes and underwear. One change was enough. Everything in excess of this was liable to be confiscated. The Soviet officials and their families produced an impression of extreme poverty. Women wore rags wrapped around their feet or slippers instead of shoes. Bedding was an unknown luxury to them. Bathrooms and kitchens they considered uncanny inventions. The population of the occupied provinces especially that of the cities looked at them with contempt. People slighted even army officers and civil officials in public. This happened especially after the outbreak of the invasion of Finland when news of Soviet defeats were coming daily. A panic had seized the Red soldiers and officers when transfers to the Finnish front grew more frequent. Desertions of Soviet army officers, sporadic before the war, became now a mass phenomenon. They were buying civilian clothes and disappearing often with their wives. The situation changed radically after the peace with Finland. The invaders, thus far rather meek, became arrogant and insolent. A new era of oppression and persecution had begun.

    III-Organized Plunder.

    As time went on, under the pretext of reorganization, nationalization or any other formula in which Bolshevik terminology abounds, the occupied territory was subject to a most ruthless plunder. Public property as well as personal belongings were seized. Everything transport­able was carried away into Soviet Russia. In the town of Czortkow iron beds were taken away from hospitals and military barracks. From hotels furniture, from banks and business offices all fixtures were removed. Apartments and even poor dwellings were pillaged. From the city of Luck in one day 180 carloads of furniture were shipped to Russia.
    Poland had experienced Red pillage in 1920. In those days however, it was common robbery performed by a barbarian soldateska. Now it was a systematic, legalized confiscation.
    The destruction of works of Art, of Museums and Archives was another phase of that war against Western civilization. When winter came the Russians used books from Polish scientific libraries as fuel. Archives had their unique documents frequently hearing the signatures of Poland’s kings, sold by the pound as old paper.
    Poland had to be brought to the same level as Soviet Russia culturally and economically.
    Most Polish State employees had received three months salary in advance before the withdrawal of the army. Here then the Soviets considered themselves as having simply taken the place of the former authorities. They made these people work without pay for three months at the expiration of which they were dismissed.
    Trade was allowed to be carried on as long as stocks lasted and Polish currency was maintained as legal tender, the zloty having been given par value with the Soviet Rouble. As the current rate was 12 to 1, all transactions were carried on in zlotys and the merchants came into possession of considerable cash. Then suddenly-on December 21, 1939-the zloty was declared as with­drawn from circulation, no equivalent whatever being provided for the unfortunate possessors. Simultaneously all bank deposits above 300 zlotys ($56) were seized. The amount thus wantonly suppressed reached 1,500,000,000 zlotys or about 290 million dollars. The sudden abolition of the zloty meant the destruction of such humble remnants of well being as still existed in the country. Pt-ices soared and the markets showed a sudden lack of many commodities, as the people would not sell their produce for a currency, which they distrusted. It was then that a system of barter began to develop on a large scale, and the standard of living experienced a violent depression.
    The United States dollar was officially quoted as five roubles. It could be bought in the Soviet “Gesbank.” In the spring 1940 it was sold on the so called ‘‘black stock exchange” for 400 roubles. It is now obtainable for 60-70 roubles, which results from the utter destitu­tion of the people. No saving is possible. Even if it were, it would be against Soviet laws. The Soviet cur­rency loses its value about every three years, and a new currency is being issued. People have no trust in roubles and chervonetz. Peasants refuse to accept Soviet money and only barter trade is possible.

    IV-Nationalization of Property.

    More or less simultaneously the process of nationali­zation of commerce was put into practice. In reality it amounted to the seizure of all available stocks of goods, especially in the wholesale trade where some supplies still existed. And these were promptly carried off to Russia. The value of merchandise thus seized in the city of Lwow alone amounted to about 400 million zlotys or $75,500,000, and in the whole Soviet occupied area to 320,000,000 dollars. Of the 8,500 shops of Lwow 6,500 were closed. Of the remaining 2,000-500 were left in the proprietor’s hands, and 1,500 were trans­formed into cooperative societies of all kinds subject to incessant inroads by the Soviet authorities, and carrying on in a most precarious way. At the same time all buildings were declared to be the property of the people. Only in exceptional cases the owners of small houses suc­ceeded in preserving the use of them. All dwelling houses were subjected to district supervision called “rajrady.” There is a special manager for small groups of houses. He collects the rentals and the dwelling as well as eventual luxury taxes (if any one occupies more rooms than foreseen by the Soviet regulations.) Apart­ments are allotted by the aforesaid “rajrady.” Only working persons may obtain such an allotment. The size of the apartment depends upon the character of the work done by the tenant, by the number of members of his family, etc. The ‘‘rajrady’’ allot also wood for fuel. Coal is unobtainable.
    The position of the house janitor has been declared an official one. He belongs to the lowest rank of state employees. Special lectures for janitors are being given in the individual city districts, where they receive political as well as spying instructions. Thus the janitor is under orders to control strictly who enters his house. In ease a person enters more than once a house not inhabited by him, the janitor must report the fact at once to the police. He is also instructed to enter under some pretext the apartments of the tenants, to observe their attitude, to make notes of their conversations and of the objects they possess. Special rewards are given janitors for the discovery of any counter-revolutionary activities or sabotaging plots.
    Not all houseowners, however, have been expropriated. But those that were permitted to keep their houses have been so heavily taxed that they cannot pay those imposts. Arid for non-payment they are threatened with heavy penalties. Besides, the rumor is being spread by the Soviets that the names of house-owners will be placed first on the list of persons to be deported. No wonder that applications for expropriation are daily growing.
    A woman who left Lwow in September 1940 reports what follows on the methods used by the Soviets to liquidate private property. Thus for instance, the owner of a tinkers-workshop had been ordered to pay a daily income tax of ten roubles. The owner of a locksmith-shop must pay four roubles daily. An average city dwelling house is burdened with a yearly tax of 10,000 roubles. The lot of the farmers is by no means differ­ent. A peasant owner of an average size farm had a yearly tax of 25,000 roubles imposed upon him. And besides he must pay in kind.
    To make bad things worse the Soviets have introduced compulsory insurance, in cities as well as in the country, against fire and other elementary disasters. The insurance rates are simply exorbitant.
    Industrial establishments fare no better. But they are subjected to special proceedings. Thus in Wilno the workmen employed in the well-known factory of wireless receivers “Electrit” were induced to carry unanimously a resolution that the whole establishment be transferred to Smolensk. The same thing happened in the Courland Oil factory. The plant was actually removed to Russia.
    In accordance with a motion passed by the “National Assembly of Western Ukraine and “White Russia’’ a similar fate was in store for many of the 9,000 factories of different kind and sizes in the occupied area. Natur­ally the largest and best-equipped establishments were first to attract the attention of the Soviets. The plants of the up-to-date and important sugar factories of Chodorow and Horodenka, those of the electric works in Czortkow, Kolomyja and Stanislawow. The fine spinning jennies and looms of many concerns in Bialystok have disappeared. The railway workshops in Lwow, Stanis­lawow and Przemysl were emptied and not even the equipment and furniture of the Agrarian Bank in Lwow and of many other public institutions were permitted to remain.
    The independent craftsmen of different trades who possessed 67,000 workshops in the Soviet-occupied provinces with an annual output estimated at over 200 million dollars, were ruined. The currency they pos­sessed was suddenly abolished and they were thrown out of work because they were unable to replenish their stocks. In exchange for the goods carried away from Poland the Soviet national stores contrived after four months’ intense efforts to offer the public some very in­ferior matches, dirty salt and soap and herrings reeking with cod liver oil.
    The food stuff trade has been centralized in the Soviet chain stores called “Bakalie” and “Gastronomia.” The prices there are lower than in the few remaining private stores. Long lines of would-be-buyers are awaiting their turn day and night. A card system has not been intro­duced. Goods, however, are often missing-some articles are unobtainable for months. This is especially true of sugar. Bread is plentiful. A two kilogram loaf costs 1,60 roubles. Meat in Soviet stores costs 7 roubles per kilogram; fifteen in private butcher stores. Butter is 30 roubles a kilogram. Coffee is not for sale. If a supply of it unexpectedly appears it costs 150 roubles per kilogram. “Ersatz” coffee is being generally used. Hides and leather are lacking. Local shoemakers some­times succeed in finding a piece of leather from pre-war stocks. They ask for a pair of shoes Coo roubles.
    Coffeehouses and restaurants have also been national­ized. They are being managed by directors appointed by the Soviets. The same was done with barbershops. Here the former owner is permitted to work with scissors and razor but receives a lesser percentage from the daily revenues than the other workers, and does not belong to the “Prospilka” (trade union) which entitles them to social insurance.
    Among all the nationalized enterprises there is but one which met with the general approval of the popula­tion and these are the so-called “policlinics.’’ Anybody is entitled to avail himself of them, without any limita­tions, even without showing his papers. Polish physicians are serving in the policlinics. Medical advice is free. The doctors are paid. Independently from the policlinics Polish physicians are permitted to practice as before. Soviet authorities do not apply any special repressions against doctors. On the contrary they are in great demand and if they wish, they always may obtain pro­fessional positions in the interior of Russia. Quite recently news was received from physicians who had been deported shortly after the Soviet invasion, that they have been permitted to practice.

    V-Position of the Workers.
    The 120,000 workmen employed in the few industrial centers of the Soviet-occupied provinces may have ex­pected that they would be a favored group of society since a government of peasants and workmen” had taken over control. But even this minority met with bitter disappointment. The Soviets boasted that they were going to suppress unemployment and raise produc­tion. As a rule workmen were not dismissed unless they happened to displease their new masters. On the con­trary, the hours of labor were at first reduced to six or seven and considerable numbers of hands were taken on. Theoretically there is no unemployment under Soviet rule. The Bolsheviks have created many new positions, engaging several workers where there was one before the invasion. Thus for instance in the domain of rail­roads, every passenger car has its conductor. In one train there may be a score or more of them. The wages are very low and quite out of proportion with the prevail­ing prices. The Soviets employ many women too, to demonstrate their adherence to the principle of equal rights for both sexes. The average wages of a worker amount to some four roubles daily.
    To be entitled to any rights, that to live not excluded, one must possess a certificate of employment. To obtain such certificate new positions must be created and this is why, officially, unemployment does not exist. To have been imprisoned by the Polish government on the charge of Communist propaganda was a first-class qualification regardless of knowledge and ability. Soon it became evident that the much advertised achievements of “shock workers” ‘‘order wearers’’ and other ‘‘heroes of labor” in Soviet Russia were considerably inferior in their efficiency than those of the less pretentious workers in other countries.
    In any case the general collapse of trade could scarcely result in any benefit to the working class. What happened in reality was a precipitate decline in the standard of living to a level which people in other countries can hardly imagine. As a result of the substitution of the rouble for the zloty, the monthly earnings of workmen in Soviet-occupied Poland amount to 100-150 roubles, whereas all prices have reached an unprecedently high level.
    In February 1940 the free market price in Lvov of one kilogram of potatoes was 5-6 roubles, that of bread 5 roubles, of meat 30-50 roubles, of butter and lard 70 roubles. In Bialystok 50 kilograms (about 100 lbs.) of rye cost 700 roubles, one kilogram (2.25 lbs.) of sugar 50-75 roubles; one kilogram of tea 700 roubles. One kilogram of butter cost in Luck 30 roubles, in Bialystok 75 roubles. A pair of shoes can easily be sold in Lwow for 500 roubles. Of course, the official prices in the ‘‘national” stores are considerably lower, but there the supply is so insufficient that it never satisfies the demand. Nothing can be purchased without the drudgery of stand­ing endlessly in queues.
    The life of a workingman’s family may be easily imagined when they must live on his earnings of 150 roubles a month. Women have to secure jobs at all cost – an additional hardship which the Soviet regime entails.
    The exploitation of the worker under Soviet rule and notwithstanding the phraseology of its propaganda is evident. Of late, working hours were raised to eight. This is however but a theoretical norm for the “Stachanoff” minimum can not be achieved within those eight hours and the workingmen are compelled to work longer. Independently from that work the workers, especially in larger industrial establishments, have to at­tend political meetings in the shops and factories. These meetings last often as long as four or five hours, so that the workingman returns home in a state of utter exhaus­tion. Rules and regulations in the factories are very stern. For being late a worker may be sentenced to jail.

    A refugee, who recently left Soviet-occupied Poland, tells of a woman who having a sick child had to wait in line before a drug store for the much-needed medicine. She reported to work twenty minutes late. She was punished by having her earnings of 125 roubles monthly reduced by 30 roubles, and she was ordered to work longer hours. The punishment was comparatively mild because she had been only twenty minutes late.
    In November 1939 in the city of Lwow posters appealed to skilled workers to register for work, especially in the metallurgical line, in the Caucasus and the Don River basin. ‘Within a month about 3,000 went, Poles as well as Jews. Only local workers were accepted. Refugees were excluded. After two months one by one these men began to return bringing hair-raising reports on the work­ing conditions, lack of most primitive hygiene, lack of housing facilities, inimical attitude of the local popula­tion towards the new arrivals. The word “Don basin’’ became a nightmare. No one volunteered anymore. The “Don basin” had utterly discredited the Soviet regime with the workingmen in Lwow.

    VI-The Position of the Peasants.
    According to current ideas the workmen and the peasants should have drawn some benefit from the Soviet occupation. Nothing of that sort happened. The dis­appointment of the peasants was as complete as that of the workingmen. It is a great mistake to over-estimate the area of agricultural land in Poland, belonging to large estates. As a matter of fact, it averaged in 1939 at about 16% of the entire cultivable area and it was still being parceled out rapidly. Even a complete dis­tribution of this land among the peasants could not have had a decisive influence on the state of the peasants as a whole. Their holdings numbered about three million farms, half of which is under Soviet occupation. The destruction of large agricultural enterprises by the Soviets was an additional blow to the welfare of the countryside. Not only did many laborers lose their work, but tremendous waste occurred. Horses are scarce where armies have passed; the harvest was destroyed or confiscated by the Bolsheviks. Livestock was actually distributed among the peasants, but was killed by them before the winter set in, partly owing to lack of fodder, partly to forestall Bolshevik regulations which were soon to be enforced. All livestock was regis­tered and the sale of it forbidden without the consent of the local committee which was in its turn subject to control of higher authorities.
    It also became clear soon that the distribution of land was in fact illusory. The greatest pressure was being exercised on the peasants to pool their allotments and go in for collective farming along ‘‘Kolkhoz’’ lines. All reports agree that many estates have remained in the hands of the administration and become State enterprises.
    But the actual condition of the country people was in­fluenced for the worse by the ruin of the natural and necessary exchange between town and country, even more than by the effect of these chaotic measures. The coun­try folks had nothing to sell, and there was nothing to buy in the city. Clothes, shoes, underwear had become an unattainable luxury, ironware an expensive and rare thing.
    Apart from purely material wants the life of the Polish country population has been profoundly troubled by many other causes. Lavish words and fine promises have not prevented the Soviets from imposing enormous taxes exceeding by far the taxpayers possibilities, taxes which in some cases amount to 230 roubles per acre. Among other the peasant has been ordered to deliver to Soviet agencies 44-62 lbs. of meat per acre, 200 quarts of milk per cow annually, and 150 eggs per hen!
    Having killed most of their cattle for fear of Soviet requisitions the peasants were able to till but parts of their farms. The result was a decrease of more than 50% in grain production.
    Not satisfied with the ruin of the landlords and the intellectual classes the Soviets have made the extermina­tion of the richer peasants (kulaks) one of their aims. To achieve that end they do not refrain from using the most drastic methods. The ‘‘kulaks’’ wantonly accused of sabotaging the Soviets’ plans for the formation of large collective farms were seized and deported to distant districts in Russia.
    The radical agricultural ‘‘reform’’ was inaugurated simultaneously in all Polish Eastern provinces – in the South as well as in the North where the Wilno Voivodship was incorporated into a Lithuanian Soviet republic. Here too the soil became State property. Individual estates known for their progressive managements have been converted into “Sovkhozy”- some others into “kolhozy,” and the rest was to be distributed among poorer farmers and agricultural laborers at 15-25 acres per head. But that parcellation was delayed. Owners of farms, which they had inherited, were evicted. Those who had bought them could retain the usufruct of a maximum of 75 acres upon recommendation of communal committees approved by county committees and by Soviet authorities in Kovno. They were however obliged to repay the entire indebtedness of their estates in their previous size and increase the wages of their agricultural laborers by 200%. It goes without saying that even these “fortunate” ones will not be able to stand the economic pressure and will have to surrender.

  15. Juju44 mówi:

    Panie ” Boleslawie Chrobry ” , zapomnial Pan dodac ” tylko” slowo, ze tymi sovieckimi mordercami byli zydobolszewicy! Te miliony pomordowanych w barbarzynski sposob byli najpierw Rosjanie i inne Narody tam mieszkajace. Zyd nawet jeden jest wrogiem wszystkich innych ludzi na Swiecie. Nikt w szerokim Swiecie nie wie i nie zna tych zydowskich mordercow gdyz zawsze zdazyli uciec do izraela lub USA a kto mowi prawde o ich czynach jest po prostu zamilczany na wiele sposobow. Prosze to uwzglednic w przyszlosci.

    • Bolek Chrobry mówi:

      Nie zapomnialem. Koncowka artykulu nie przeszla. Natomiast wazne jest to ze Stalin, tak jak Hitler, swoimi dektretami manipulowal los Polakow pod jego okupacja nadajac polskim obywatelom mojzeszowego wyznania sowieckie obywatelstwo a rdzennym Polakom odbierajac Polskie obywatelstwo.

      Nowi obywatele sovieccy byli bardzo wdzieczni i pomogili wymordowac powazna liczbe rdzennych Polakow lub wywiezc ich w glab Rosji.

      Rowniez wazne jest to ze cyfra definiujaca nowych sowieckich obywateli jest minimalnie 1 900 000. Dzis ta cyfra jest czescia panoramy zydow straconych przez Hitlerowcow i tworzy glowna czesc 3 000 000.

      W 1942 r. w gecie lodzkim (III Rzesza) znalazlo sie 90 000 obywateli mojzeszowgo wyznania, w warszawskim gecie 140 000 obywateli mojzeszowego wyznania a w Judenlandzie/Lublinlandzie znalazlo sie dodatkowe 180 000.

      Ci sami panowie i panie pracowali jako KAPUSIE i wiemy ze 16 800 przybylo z Rzeszy i 20 000 rekrutowano na terenie Generalnej Gubernii.

      Wojek Pani Gronkiewicz-Waltz wybudowal za pieniadze czeskich i slowackich zydow trzy obozy przesiedlenicze i poszerzyl Brzezinke ktora rowniez miala sluzyc jako oboz przesiedlenczy.

      Ilu zydow bylo w Brzezince to nie wiemy bo wszyscy naukowcy ktorzy zajmowali sie tymi badaniami strasznie przesadzaja i do prawdy nigdy nie dotrzemy.

      Dyrektor Ciwinski, klamie niesamowicie. Ostatnio wystawil cala serie wystaw stworzonych w Yad Vashem w Izraelu.

      On jest glownym propagatorem legend z Tel Awiwu.

      W Polsce prawda jest ukrywana od czasow komunizmu po dzisiejsze czasy.

      Najgorsze, Polska te klamstwa finansuje i promuje poprzez rozne instytucje.

      My na Polonii walczymi z nimi.

  16. A.J. mówi:

    Szkalowanie i oszczerstwa doczekały się wreszcie – prawdziwej sprawiedliwości!!! Gratulacje!

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